Fęrsluflokkur: Višskipti og fjįrmįl

Vališ stendur um Myntrįš Ķslands eša Sešlabanka

  
 
null   Samstaša žjóšar
   
NATIONAL UNITY COALITION                                                           
   Barįttusamtök fyrir sjįlfstęšu rķki į Ķslandi og fullveldisréttindum almennings.
   Stöndum vörš um Stjórnarskrį Lżšveldisins.

 

 

Vališ stendur um Myntrįš Ķslands eša Sešlabanka.

Birtist fyrst ķ Morgunblašinu 20. desember 2008.



Loftur Altice Žorsteinsson.

Žeir hagfręšingar gerast stöšugt hįvęrari sem halda žvķ fram, aš sešlabankar séu óžarfir eša jafnvel skašlegir efnahag žjóša. Jafnframt er žvķ haldiš fram, aš svonefnd myntrįš séu mun gagnlegri og žjóšhagslega hagkvęmari stofnanir. Žessar vangaveltur manna snśast um ašferšir sem sešlabankar og myntrįš nota, til aš skapa stöšugleika į gengi gjaldmišla, žvķ eins og Karl Schiller (1911-1994) fjįrmįlarįšherra Žżšskalands og einn įhrifamesti hagfręšingur sins tķma, sagši: »Stöšugur gjaldmišill er ekki allt, en įn stöšugs gjaldmišils er allt annaš einskis virši.«

Stöšugur gjaldmišill ętti aš vera forgangsverkefni.

Sešlabankar segjast hafa efnahagslegan stöšugleika aš markmiši. Raunveruleikinn er sį aš oftar en ekki hella žeir olķu į eldinn. Śrręši žeirra eru verri en vandamįliš. Til aš halda gengi gjaldmišilsins stöšugum, hefur Sešlabankinn tvęr meginašferšir. Annars vegar er genginu tyllt (pegged currency) viš sterkan gjaldmišil eins og US-dollar og gefin fögur fyrirheit um aš žaš sé nś fast. Hin leišin er aš lįta gengiš fljóta (floating currency).

Bįšar ašferšir sešlabankanna eru gagnslausar, žvķ aš žeirra meginverkefni er aš žjóna pólitķskum öflum en ekki efnahagslegum žörfum almennings. Enginn tekur mark į innistęšulausum yfirlżsingum sešlabanka, enda vinna žeir sjįlfir einaršlega gegn yfirlżstum markmišum. Meš reglulegu millibili missa sešlabankar tökin į efnahagsmįlunum og koma hagkerfunum į kaldan klakann. Óšaveršbólga tekur viš af gengisfalli og almenningur fęr aš blęša fyrir mistökin.

Vilji menn ķ alvöru skapa stöšugleika ķ hagkerfi, er myntrįš eina lausnin. Myntrįš starfar eftir föstum ósveigjanlegum reglum, sem tryggja stöšugt og fast gengi (fixed currency) gjaldmišilsins. Višfangsefni myntrįšs er aš gefa śt gjaldmišil landsins, til dęmis Ķslendskan dollar (ISD) og varšveita stošmynt (anchor currency), sem ķ okkar tilfelli er ešlilegt aš sé US-dollar (USD). Bezt er aš hafa skiptihlutfalliš 1 ISD = 1 USD, žvķ aš žannig verša öll višskipti meš bįša gjaldmišlana aušveld innanlands.

Žeir sem vilja frekari upplżsingar um upptöku Ķslendsks dollars, meš myntrįši og baktryggingu USD, geta fundiš žęr hér: Umręša um fyrirhugaša upptöku Kanadadals er lķfleg og uppbyggileg.

Myntrįš meš USD sem stošmynt er lausn Ķslands.

Frį žvķ aš Bretton Woods-samkomulagiš var gert 1944, hefur dollarinn veriš bakhjarl peningakerfis heimsins, aš svo miklu leyti sem gjaldmišill einnar žjóšar getur veriš ķ slķkri stöšu. Dollarinn er eini alžjóšlegi gjaldmišill heimsins, sem lżsir sér ķ žvķ aš 3/4 allra dollara eru ķ notkun utan Bandarķkjanna. Gjaldeyrisvarasjóšir žjóša heimsins eru aš 65% ķ dollurum og öll hrįvöru-višskipti heimsins fara fram ķ dollurum. Ef Ķslendingar eru aš leita aš traustum alžjóšlegum gjaldmišli, til aš koma į stöšugleika hins Ķslendska gjaldmišils, er vališ augljóslega USD.

Hęgt er aš nżta sér stöšugleika dollarasvęšisins meš tvennu móti. Annašhvort beinlķnis meš upptöku USD sem gjaldmišils ķ landinu, eša aš nota USD til stušnings Ķslendskum gjaldmišli meš myntrįši. Žessa ašferš mętti einnig kenna viš dollarafót. Hugmyndin aš baki myntrįši er sś sama og aš baki gullfęti, sem lengi reyndist žjóšum heims frįbęrlega. Hęgt er aš lżsa žessum kostum svo:

1. Upptaka USD. Krónunni er žį skipt śt fyrir USD, sem aš loknum 6-12 mįnaša ašlögunartķma yrši eini gjaldmišill landsins. Į žessari ašferš er sį stóri galli, aš viš vęrum meš ķ umferš mikil veršmęti sem viš annars gętum veriš meš ķ vinnu og gęfi okkur arš. Į móti kemur sparnašur viš aš leggja Sešlabankann nišur.

2. Upptaka ISD og USD. Ķ staš krónunnar er tekinn upp Ķslendskur dollar (ISD) sem er varinn meš 100% baktryggingu meš USD, auk žess sem USD veršur fullkomlega gjaldtękur. Žetta krefst žess aš komiš verši į fót myntrįši Ķslands, meš um 10 manna starfsliši og jafnframt er hęgt aš leggja Sešlabankann nišur. Verkefni myntrįšsins er aš gefa śt ISD, varšveita varasjóšinn og skipta śr USD yfir ķ ISD, eša öfugt, meš skiptihlutfallinu 1 ISD = 1 USD. Bęši ISD og USD verša gjaldgeng mynt. Varasjóšurinn veršur įvaxtašur ķ Bandarķskum rķkisskuldabréfum og įętlašur aršur af žvķ er 1,5 milljaršar króna į hverju įri.

Trśarlegur ofsi er ekki višeigandi ķ efnahagsmįlum.

Įvinningur af leiš 2 er augljóslega mikill og ekki hęgt aš hafna honum įn einhverra raka. Mašur tekur ekki upp 1,5 milljarša króna af götunni! Til aš śtskżra žennan myntgróša (seiniorage) betur, getum viš hugsaš okkur, aš viš vęrum meš „gullfót“ undir gjaldmišlinum ķ staš USD. Myndi okkur detta ķ hug aš nota gulliš sem gjaldmišil til daglegra nota? Žetta var aušvitaš gert ķ fornöld, en varla ķ dag. Viš myndum leigja śt mest af gullinu, til öruggra ašila og hafa žannig af žvķ arš.

Er ekki kominn tķmi til aš fjallaš sé um gjaldmišilsmįl, įn einhliša įróšurs fyrir Evru? Žótt einhverjir berjist fyrir ESB-ašild, af trśarlegum ofsa, er ekki viš hęfi aš umręša um jafn mikilvęgt mįl og efnahagslegan stöšugleika ķ landinu sé undirlögš af innantómum upphrópunum. Eigum viš ekki fyrst aš koma okkur upp stöšugum gjaldmišli og sķšan aš takast į um stjórnarfarslegt frelsi žjóšarinnar? Žeir sem vilja beygja sig undir ok ESB, munu įfram njóta mįlfrelsis og svo geta žeir lķka flutt bśferlum til Evru-landsins.

 


The Hong Kong Dollar, Rock Solid

  
 
null   Samstaša žjóšar
   
NATIONAL UNITY COALITION                                                           
   Barįttusamtök fyrir sjįlfstęšu rķki į Ķslandi og fullveldisréttindum almennings.
   Stöndum vörš um Stjórnarskrį Lżšveldisins.

 

 

The Hong Kong Dollar, Rock Solid.

Fyrst birt ķ Globe Asia marz 2016.



Steve H. Hanke.

The currency speculators are restless, again. Many, like George Soros and Kyle Bass, are reportedly taking aim at the Hong Kong dollar (HKD). HKD bear circles think China’s renmimbi (RMB) will lose value against the U.S. dollar (USD) as China’s economy slows down and capital flight from China continues. This, it is asserted, will put pressure on the HKD, and force its devaluation. Thus rendering the fixed rate of 7.8 HKD/USD null and void, and pumping profits into the pockets of those who bet on a devaluation of the HKD.

Like past speculative attacks against the HKD, this will fail and the bears will be forced back into hibernation, suffering large losses. What is fascinating is how so many experienced currency speculators, like George Soros, can be so ill-informed about Hong Kong’s monetary setup. This is far from the first speculative attack on the HKD; the most massive occurred during the Asian Financial Crisis of 1997-98. We cannot forget hedge fund guru Bill Ackerman’s well-advertised “bet the house” attack against the HKD in 2011. It failed badly.

The currency speculators aren’t the only ones ill-informed about Hong-Kong. Financial journalists — even veterans with Hong Kong market experience — clearly don’t understand the currency board system that governs the course of the HKD. For example, Jake van der Kamp, a columnist at the South China Morning Post and former analyst at Morgan Stanley, recently fanned the speculative flames by penning a provocative column titled “From a Currency Board to a Banana Republic Manipulation.” This brought out a response from John Greenwood, the architect of Hong Kong’s currency board system, installed in 1983, and a member of the Currency Board Committee of the Hong Kong Monetary Authority. Greenwood politely took van der Kamp to the woodshed and told him that he didn’t know what he was talking about, and van der Kamp had the good sense to admit that he had sinned.

So, why is there so much confusion about exchange rates — particularly fixed exchange rates delivered by currency board systems, like Hong Kong’s? To answer that question, we must develop a taxonomy of exchange-rate regimes and their characteristics. As shown in the accompanying table, there are three types of regimes: floating, fixed, and pegged.

hanke-globeasia-3-16-1_1277906.jpg

Athugasemd: Sem vörn gegn gengisfellingum eru flot-gengi (floating exchange rate) og gengis-tylling (pegged exchange rate) jafn gagnslaus. Gengis-tylling mun alltaf gefa eftir, fyrir žrżstingi į gjaldmišilinn. Eini munurinn er aš ferill gengisfallsins er ósamfelldur.

Fast-gengi er eina gengisstefnan sem megnar aš halda genginu föstu til langframa. Fast-gengi getur annars vegar veriš undir stjórn myntrįšs og žį er notast viš innlendan gjaldmišil og śtlenda stošmynt, eša um er aš ręša Dollaravęšingu. Dollaravęšing merkir, aš ķ staš innlends gjaldmišils er einhver śtlendur gjaldmill notašur.

In fixed and floating rate regimes the monetary authority aims for only one target at a time. Although floating and fixed rates appear dissimilar, they are members of the same free-market family. Both operate without exchange controls and are free-market mechanisms for balance-of-payments adjustments. With a floating rate, a central bank sets a monetary policy, but the exchange rate is on autopilot. In consequence, the monetary base is determined domestically by a central bank. With a fixed rate, there are two possibilities: either a currency board sets the exchange rate and the money supply is on autopilot, or a country is “dollarized” and uses the U.S. dollar, or another foreign currency, as its own and the money supply is again on autopilot.

Under a fixed-rate regime, a country’s monetary base is determined by the balance of payments, which move in a one-to-one correspondence with changes in its foreign reserves. With either a floating or a fixed rate, there cannot be conflicts between monetary and exchange rate policies, and balance-of-payments crises cannot rear their ugly heads. Floating and fixed-rate regimes are inherently equilibrium systems in which market forces act to automatically rebalance financial flows and avert balance-of- payments crises.

Most people use “fixed” and “pegged” as interchangeable or nearly interchangeable terms for exchange rates. In reality, they are very different exchange-rate arrangements. Pegged-rate systems are those in which the monetary authority aims for more than one target at a time. They come in many varieties: crawling pegs, adjustable pegs, bands, managed floats, and more. Pegged systems often employ exchange controls and are not free-market mechanisms for international balance-of-payments adjustments. They are inherently disequilibrium systems, lacking an automatic adjustment mechanism. They require a central bank to manage both the exchange rate and monetary policy. With a pegged rate, the monetary base contains both domestic and foreign components.

Unlike floating and fixed rates, pegged rates invariably result in conflicts between monetary and exchange rate policies. For example, when capital inflows become “excessive” under a pegged system, a central bank often attempts to sterilize the ensuing increase in the foreign component of the monetary base by selling bonds, reducing the domestic component of the base. And when outflows become “excessive,” a central bank often attempts to offset the decrease in the foreign component of the monetary base by buying bonds, increasing the domestic component of the monetary base. Balance-of-payments crises erupt as a central bank begins to offset more and more of the reduction in the foreign component of the monetary base with domestically created base money. When this occurs, it is only a matter of time before currency speculators spot the contradictions between exchange rate and monetary policies and force a devaluation, interest-rate increases, the imposition of exchange controls, or all three.

As the accompanying monetary composition chart makes clear, China’s RMB falls into the pegged regime category. The RMB’s monetary base has foreign and domestic components that move around. In addition, China imposes capital controls. So, the RMB bears might be smelling blood.

hanke-globeasia-3-16-2_1277914.jpg

 

That’s not the case with the HKD, which is linked to the USD via a currency board. As such, the board’s monetary base (reserve money) must be backed by foreign reserves — 100%, or slightly more. The accompanying chart shows that this so-called currency board “backing (or ‘stock’) rule” is strictly followed in Hong Kong. The “flow rule” — that reserve money must change in a one-to-one relationship with changes in the currency board’s foreign exchange reserves — is also strictly followed in Hong Kong (see the accompanying chart).

 hanke-globeasia-3-16-3.jpg

hanke-globeasia-3-16-4.jpg

There has never been a system that followed currency board rules — like Hong Kong’s — that has been broken by a speculative attack. And Hong Kong’s will not be the first. Indeed, its currency board is operating exactly as it should, which is why it can’t be broken. So, what will happen? When the U.S. Fed embraced quantitative easing, USDs flowed into Hong Kong. Now that the Fed has started to notch up the Fed funds rate, the flows have reversed. In consequence, the currency board is automatically tightening up, and both broad money and credit to the private sector are decelerating and are below their trend rates (see the accompanying chart).

hanke-globeasia-3-16-5.jpg

This is just what is supposed to happen. We should expect a slow-down in the Hong Kong economy. But, the HKD will remain rock solid.

 


Lķfsandinn (CO2) er undirstaša lķfs į Jöršinni

  
 
null   Samstaša žjóšar
   
NATIONAL UNITY COALITION                                                           
   Barįttusamtök fyrir sjįlfstęšu rķki į Ķslandi og fullveldisréttindum almennings.
   Stöndum vörš um Stjórnarskrį Lżšveldisins.

 

 

Lķfsandinn (CO2) er undirstaša lķfs į Jöršinni.

Fyrst birt ķ Morgunblašinu 12. nóvember 2015.



Loftur Altice Žorsteinsson.

Į okkar dögum eru dómsdags-spįmenn įberandi žrżsti-hópur, sem margir stjórnmįlamenn hlusta į meš mikilli andagt. Hęttulegasti hópurinn er sį sem fullyršir, aš framundan séu miklar vešurfars-hamfarir. Žessi sértrśar-söfnušur vill meina, aš sś vęga hlżnun sem oršiš hefur į sķšustu 300 įrum, muni halda įfram og setja vešurfars-kerfi Jaršar śr skoršum. Öll žessi ósköp eru sögš stafa af »of miklum lķfsanda (CO2) ķ andrśminu« og til aš dómsdags-spįrnar rętist ekki, verši aš draga śr brennslu kolefna.

Stašreyndin er sś, aš žessi hugmynd hefur aldreigi komist af tilgįtu-stiginu. Žetta er ekki kenning, hvaš žį heldur nįttśru-lögmįl. Ekki liggur einu sinni fyrir tilgįta um hvernig hitastig tengist stęršfręšilega lķfsandanum. Žegar viš bętist, aš engin hlżnun hefur męldst žaš sem af er žessari öld, veršur aš telja tilgįtuna stein-dauša. Burtséš frį žessari gagnlausu tilgįtu, er veruleg įstęša til aš skoša hvernig lķfsandinn er undirstaša lķfs į Jöršinni.

Lķfsandinn er ekki eitruš mengun.

Vitaš er, aš allt lķf į Jöršinni byggir į kolefni (C) og mannkyniš er ekki undanskiliš. Kolefniš fer svonefnda »kolefnis-hringrįs« žannig aš dżrarķkiš fęr kolefni frį jurtarķkinu og jurtarķkiš fęr sitt kolefni aš mestu śr andrśminu ķ formi lķfsanda sem plönturnar vinna meš ljós-tillķfun. Einnig taka plöntur upp kolefni śr kolsżršu vatni (H2CO3), sem žęr nį til meš rótunum. Flestir vita aš gosdrykkir innihalda kolsżru sem er blanda af lķfsanda (CO2) og vatni (H2O). Jafna fyrir kolsżru: (CO2+H2O → H2CO3).

Andrśmiš er blanda margra gastegunda og męlt sem rśmmįl er mest af: köfnunarefni (78,09%), sśrefni (20,95%), vatnsgufa (1,00%), argon (0,93%) og lķfsandi (0,040%). Magn lķfsanda er oft tjįš ķ einingunni ppm (milljónustu hlutar) og į žann mįta er nśverandi magn lķfsanda ķ andrśminu 400 ppm. Aukning lķfsanda hefur um hrķš veriš mjög stöšug, um 2 ppm į hverju įri. Meš sama įframhaldi veršur lķfsandinn kominn ķ 1000 ppm aš 300 įrum lišnum, žaš er aš segja įriš 2315.

Dómsdags-spįmennirnir reita hįr sitt yfir slķkum horfum og hrópa hęrra en nokkru sinni aš lķfsandinn sé eitruš mengun, sem muni lama lķfrķkiš og koma mannkyni į kné. Žessu er žveröfugt fariš og stöšva veršur žennan skašlega įróšur. Sś aukning lķfsanda, sem hęgt er aš skrifa į reikning mannkyns, hefur lķklega nś žegar framlengt tķma lķfs į Jöršinni um tvęr milljónir įra. Žaš er rangt, aš mikiš magn lķfsanda sé takmarkandi fyrir lķfkerfi Jaršar, heldur er stašreyndin sś, aš of lķtiš magn myndi slökkva lķfsneistinn į Jöršinni.

Lķfsandi og hitastig eru oftast ķ öfugum fasa.

Fyrir um 540 milljón įrum hófst žróun žeirra lķfsforma sem einkenna Jöršina ķ nśtķmanum. Frį žeim tķma hefur hitastig į Jöršu oftar en ekki veriš ķ öfugum fasa viš magn lķfsandans. Til dęmis, fyrir 150 milljón įrum (Jurassic) féll hitastig mikiš en lķfsandinn nįši toppi. Fyrir 50 milljón įrum (Eocene) var hiti lķklega hęrri en nokkru sinni į sķšustu 550 milljón įrum, en lķfsandinn hafši fariš minnkandi ķ 100 milljón įr. Fortķšin bendir ekki til, aš hitastig Jaršar rįšist af magni lķfsanda ķ andrśminu.

Fyrir um 400 milljón įrum (Devon) hófst af krafti landnįm lķfs į žurrlendi og nįši mikilli śtbreišslu į skömmum tķma. Bęši jurtir og dżr tóku žįtt ķ landnįminu og nżttu sér nżtt umhverfi til aš žróa fjölmargar nżgjar tegundir. Į Devon-tķmanum nįši lķfsandinn aš verša um 2200 ppm, eša 5,5 sinnum nśverandi magn. Hitastigiš var aš mešaltali um 20 grįšur, sem er 6 grįšum hęrra en nśna.

Sjįlfsmorš lķfrķkisins var yfirvofandi fyrir 400 milljónum įra.

Į Devon-tķmanum žróušu plöntur getu til aš framleiša »lignin« og »cellulose« sem saman geršu plöntunum fęrt aš mynda viš og vaxa uppréttar. Trén voru komin til sögunnar og nįšu mikilli hęš, ķ samkeppni um orkugjafann sólarljósiš. Umfangsmiklir skógar žöktu žurrlendiš, lķfmassi Jaršar margfaldašist og dróg til sķn lķfsanda śr andrśminu, sem endaši sem višur trjįnna.

»Lignin« er įkaflega stöšugt efni og į žessum tķma höfšu engar lķfverur žróast sem framleiddu efnahvata sem leyst gat žaš upp. Skógartrén höfšu ekki ótakmarkaša lķfslengd, heldur dóu eins og žau gera enn ķ dag. Dauš tré hlóšust žvķ upp ķ skógar-sveršinum og nįšu višarlögin 100 metra žykkt eša meira. Žannig uršu til kolalögin miklu sem finnast um allan heim og eru mynduš śr kolefni sem skógarnir unnu śr lķfsandanum į 90 milljónum įra. Til allrar hamingju fyrir framtķš lķfs į Jöršu, kom fram rotnunar-sveppur sem framleišir efnahvata sem vinnur į »lignini«. Žar meš lauk žvķ tķmabili jaršsögunnar žegar kolabirgšir Jaršar uršu til.

Ef ekki hefšu komiš fram lķfverur sem voru fęrar um aš leysa upp »lignin« hefši lķfsandinn haldiš įfram aš minnka žar til dauša-žrepinu 150 ppm hefši veriš nįš. Viš žetta žrep hefšu allar plöntur Jaršarinnar dįiš śr hungri, žaš er aš segja śr skorti į lķfsanda. Lķfrķkiš allt hefši drepist og mannkyn hefši aldregi komiš fram. Žetta var bara fyrsta skiptiš sem lķf Jaršarinnar hefši getaš śtrżmt sjįlfu sér vegna skorts į lķfsanda, sem öllum ętti aš vera ljóst aš er undirstaša lķfs į Jöršinni.


Vogunarsjóšir skila gjöfum Steingrķms

  
 
null   Samstaša žjóšar
   
NATIONAL UNITY COALITION                                                           
   Barįttusamtök fyrir sjįlfstęšu rķki į Ķslandi og fullveldisréttindum almennings.
   Stöndum vörš um Stjórnarskrį Lżšveldisins.

 

 

Vogunarsjóšir skila gjöfum Steingrķms.

Fyrst birt ķ Morgunblašinu 03. nóvember 2015.



Vķglundur Žorsteinsson.

Žaš var fróšlegt aš lesa um žį įkvöršun kröfuhafa Glitnis aš skila Ķslendska rķkinu Ķslandsbanka ķ bżttum fyrir žaš aš losna śr höftum meš erlendar gjaldeyriseignir slitabśsins. Įkvöršun sem ķ meginatrišum lżtur aš žvķ aš skilja krónueignir slitabśsins eftir hér į landi gegn žvķ aš fį aš fara meš erlendar eignir śr höftum.

Žegar Steingrķmur J. Sigfśsson įkvaš aš rifta įkvöršunum Fjįrmįlaeftirlitsins frį haustinu 2008 um afskriftir og nišurfęrslur lįna śr gömlu bönkunum sem voru fęršar ķ nżja į nettó afskrifušu verši samdi hann viš erlenda kröfuhafa gömlu bankanna um aš žeir fengju sjįlfdęmi um handrukkun og innheimtu ķ nżju bönkunum žvert gegn reglum neyšarlaganna.

Meš žvķ opnašist žeim leiš aš óvęntum feng sem vogunarsjóširnir höfšu ekki reiknaš meš žegar kröfur bankanna gengu kaupum og sölum į markaši haustiš 2008 og voriš 2009.

Żmsir hafa reynt aš leggja mat į žessar gjafir Steingrķms. Žaš er nęrtękast aš gera žaš meš žvķ aš bera saman efnahagsreikninga bankanna į milli 2008 og 2015.

Fljótt į litiš sżnast gjafir hans til vogunarsjóšanna vera um 500 milljaršar króna į nśvirši. Ef til vill žó nokkru hęrri žvķ enn eru ekki öll kurl til grafar komin.

Žaš žurfti žvķ aš halda vel į viš lok uppgjöra slitabśanna įšur en žeim yrši hleypt śr höftum. Ķ raun žurfti aš tryggja aš vogunarsjóširnir skildu eftir ķ landinu aš lįgmarki žessar örlętisgjafir Steingrķms J. Sigfśssonar.

Tķmasprengja aftengd.

Į blašamannafundi viš kynningu į samžykki rķkis og sešlabanka į stöšugleikaskilyršunum nś į dögunum skilgreindi Mįr Gušmundsson stöšuna svo »aš nś vęri bśiš aš aftengja tifandi tķmasprengju«.

Undirliggjandi ķ žeim oršum var aš Steingrķmur hefši veriš sprengjusmišurinn meš žvķ aš leyfa snišgönguna viš neyšarlögin og riftanirnar į įkvöršunum FME frį 2008. Allt um žaš vissi Mįr öšrum betur vegna atbeina Sešlabankans ķ mįlinu. FME var jafnframt lištękt ķ žeirri ašstoš.

Žaš er aušvelt aš skilja af hverju vogunarsjóširnir vilja skila banka eins og Ķslandsbanka og losna sem fyrst śr höftunum. Žeir vita manna best aš uppfęrši gróšinn af afskrifušum lįnum er sķšur en svo į lausu. Hann er ekki annaš en uppfęršar įšur afskrifašar skuldir sem höfšu bólgnaš viš hruniš og standa inni ķ bankanum sem uppfęršar skuldir einstaklinga og atvinnufyrirtękja gegn reglum neyšarlaga. Skuldir sem eftir er aš borga eša fasteignir ķ fasteignafélögum sem bankarnir settu į fót sem umbreyta žyrfti ķ reišufé.

Žeir vita aš žaš mun taka mörg įr aš rukka žęr skuldir inn og enn fleiri aš breyta žeim ķ erlendan gjaldeyri. Žaš hentar žeim žvķ vel aš nota örlętsgjörninga Steingrķms sem skiptimynt til aš sleppa frį höftunum meš rauneignir bśsins ķ erlendum gjaldeyri sem žegar eru geymdar ķ śtlöndum. Žeirra stóri įvinningur er aš fį žęr erlendu eignir sem fyrst til aš fjįrfesta į nż annars stašar.

Kreppuframlenging ķ staš skjaldborgar.

Žessir alvarlegu gjörningar Steingrķms žegar hann braut Ķslendsk lög og rifti įkvöršunum Fjįrmįlaeftirlitsins įriš 2009 ķ žįgu AGS og ESB framlengdu kreppuna į Ķslandi um mörg įr.

Žaš svo aš enn eru svöšusįr eftir į tugžśsundum Ķslendinga sem misstu allt sitt ķ boši Steingrķms og vinstri stjórnarinnar sįlugu. Stjórnarinnar sem allt vildi til vinna aš komast į stökki ķ ESB sumariš 2009. Fórnaši ķ žeim tilgangi žvķ skjóli sem neyšarlögin höfšu bśiš žjóšinni. Tókst hins vegar žį aš ljśga žvķ aš okkur aš hśn vęri aš smķša žjóšinni skjaldborg meš verkum sķnum. Žaš var ekki fyrr en viš kosningarnar 2013 aš žjóšin fékk sitt tękifęri til aš jafna um viš žessa óheišarlegu stjórnmįlamenn.

Afleišingar žessara verka žeirra eru aš nś mį sjį tugžśsundir sem įšur bjuggu ķ eigin hśsnęši mešal annarra į leigumarkašnum eftir aš bankarnir eru bśnir aš selja ofan af žeim meš hjįlp Įrna Pįls-laganna. Eša upp į ęttingja og vini, komnir į »Hótel mömmu«. Žetta įsamt żmsu öšru veldur nś eftirspurnarsprengingu į leigumarkaši.

Sumir flśšu til Noregs. Ašrir sitja enn ķ ķbśšum og hśsum meš uppreiknašar skuldir sem žeir eiga eftir aš strita fyrir. Hjį žeim heldur kreppan įfram. Nś kóróna vogunarsjóširnir allt verkiš meš žvķ aš lįta Ķslendska rķkiš rukka Steingrķmsgjafirnar. Sjįlfir fljśga žeir meš sólsetrinu vestur til Wall Street meš alvörupeningana og skilja Ķslendsk stjórnvöld eftir ķ handrukkinu. Žaš mun sķšar koma ķ ljós hvernig tekst til um žaš.

Steingrķmur ženur brjóst og sperrir stél.

Til aš undirstrika heimsku sķna stekkur Steingrķmur J. Sigfśsson nś upp į stól žegar vogunarsjóširnir eru aš skila Ķslandsbanka og eignar sér mįliš sem įrangur af eigin dugnaši. Žegar hann »hvorki boršaši né svaf« aš eigin sögn viš aš bjarga žjóšinni į įrunum 2009 og 2010 en žį kvaddi hann »björgunarvaktina ķ fjįrmįlarįšuneytinu«.

Žaš fer best į žvķ nśna aš fį lįnuš oršin sem Matthķas Jochumsson lagši ķ munn Jóni sterka eftir aš Eyjólfur vinnumašur hafši lagt hann ķ bęndaglķmunni. Sįuš žiš hvernig ég tók hann, drengir?

 


My Palestinian training, non-violence or violence ?

  
 
null   Samstaša žjóšar
   
NATIONAL UNITY COALITION                                                           
   Barįttusamtök fyrir sjįlfstęšu rķki į Ķslandi og fullveldisréttindum almennings.
   Stöndum vörš um Stjórnarskrį Lżšveldisins.

 

 

My Palestinian training, non-violence or violence ?

Fyrst birt hjį Israellycool 22. įgśst 2015.



Daniel Borg (fyrrverandi stušningsmašur Hamas/Fatah/PLO).

Before joining ISM (International Solidarity Movement) group in Hebron I had my training in Ramallah during two days. How to obstruct IDF (Israel Defence Forces) operations. How to freely walk in a neighbourhood and alert the coordinators about the movements of incoming IDF patrols. When to go out and show your presence to the military, so that they don’t dare shoot at your direction. Shield a house that IDF want to demolish. Shield stone-Molotov-throwing militants. Yes. Our job.

PLO (now Fatah, but it is the same) uses well meaning idealistic western youngsters to aid, shield and make-possible their terrorist agenda. The Fatah-coordinators made it clear to us that ISM uses only non-violent means of resistance, but in the meantime stressed that if the Palestinians choose to use violence our job is to shield them. It is the Palestinians that live under occupation and humiliation, not us western activists, so we should let them make the operational decisions and we internationals are there to act like human shields and protect them from the IDF.

We even spent a good amount of time practicing how to pitch-up extreme screams with the intent of scaring off settlers kids. Our instructions were that if settlers kids approach us and act violently we need to surprise them by screaming with the loudest of our abilities so that they get panic and run away. We did a lot of exercise in these high-pitch screams. If someone from downtown Ramallah reads this, I want to express my sincere apologies for your lost sleep during these days.

Committing Lawfare (the abuse of Western laws and judicial systems to achieve strategic military or political ends).

During the first hour of the Ramallah training every activist gives the PLO coordinators a closed envelope of his name, address, family info, country residence, political affiliation etc, in case of arrest or death. They make abundantly clear that if I we were beaten up or killed by IDF it will lead to great damage to the state of Israel, great media coverage and of course maybe an end to the occupation. Since I was the chairman of the Social democratic youth organisation in my home town I was interesting and useful. If the IDF arrested me or killed me it would get headlines at least in Sweden.

In hindsight I understand that this is a perfect example of lawfare: With my presence as an international maybe the IDF won’t use the amount of force they are entitled to in order to complete a security-operation, and let the ones I am shielding go free (a win to the terrorists), or they disregard my presence and complete the mission with a possible end result of me being killed together with the terrorist. Also a win for the terrorists since they can use my death as an amazingly effective propaganda tool for forming international opinion.

I felt useful. I wanted to do whatever I could to help the Palestinians. I was un-afraid and idealistic. Then I went to Hebron. I actively chose to only do real pacifist work, mainly to stand in King David Street (Shuhada street) and in the IDF posts leading up to Tel Rumeida settlement. To monitor the Israeli soldiers present. A tough job, I thought, since all PLO coordinators, Bethlehem-people, random Palestinians etc. told me before hand that the soldiers are violent, throw stones at Palestinians, helps settlers attack Palestinian children, and what made me afraid, the soldiers occasionally arrest, handcuff and beats up ISM activists.

How the IDF-soldiers acted.

My first morning in Hebron: A young Israeli soldier was standing in his watching post at the entrance of the Jewish Tel Rumeida neighbourhood, where also some Palestinian families live. The soldier called upon a Palestinian ten year old boy that was walking up the hill to approach him. The boy was remarkably scared, and hesitantly dragged his feet towards the soldier. When the boy came up close the soldier made a move towards the kid. In this instant my heart started to pump faster since I was certain he was going to arrest or beat the boy, so I took up my camera ready to film the brutality. Instead, to my huge astonishment, he shakes the boys hand and put the other on his shoulder. The soldier started to speak casually with the boy. Instantly the Palestinian kid smiled and they spoke and joked for a couple of minutes in the July heat. I felt relieved, extremely surprised, took down my camera. Nothing here to film.

Yes I was extremely astonished. This encounter between the IDF soldier and the Palestinian kid contradicted everything I was being told and what I thought was the normal mode of IDF-conduct. Surely this soldier’s behaviour must be a very rare glimpse of humanism in the overall aggressive IDF, like a dolphin swimming in a sea of sharks. But no, it was not. It was rather the normal mode of conduct. I monitored the same group of soldiers from early morning to late evening, and their basic way of treating the Palestinians was that of non-interference and respect. Not once did I see anything that comes close to a violation. I spent three weeks monitoring the IDF soldiers, with my camera around my neck. There was nothing to film, no transgressions whatsoever (except Palestinian war crimes, but I come to that a bit later).

My laundry business.

At one point a soldier made a move of his hand at my direction to show that I should approach him. He wanted to ask me a few questions: How could I work for Fatah, call myself human rights activist, while they just killed a gay Palestinian by tying him up to a car and driving his more and more molested body through downtown Hebron? (a few metres from where we were standing) I was pretty shocked. Am I getting human rights lessons from an IDF soldier? I said white-washing, pink-washing. He did not understand my point about the washing business. But I thought about what he had said. I did not care. Those that I work for are Fatah people, moderates, peace activists, even Jewish Israelis. The Palestinian Sharia law, however unjust, does not justify the Israeli occupation. Hence the washing allegations I threw to the soldier.

Here you have Hamas.

The next week was slightly different. I understood that the IDF-soldiers were really nice, they treated me and all Palestinians with respect. During lunchtime I decided to go up to the PLO apartment and take a coffee. I stood with my coffee cup looking out at downtown Hebron, with full view of the Hebron Arab souk. From nowhere I see two guys going out from a car, taking out guns, starting to shoot intensively at the market. It was several hundreds of shots. The souk was buzzing with families. They started their shooting spree, everyone tried to run away, I filmed it from the onset. Their shooting spree lasting so long that I had the time to walk up to our rooftop continue filming while the shooting spree continued. Here you have Hamas.

Afterwards I ran down alerted my activist colleagues, alerted the IDF soldiers, called our coordinators. The IDF closed the checkpoint. Beefed up all soldier presence. This was the first Hamas attack in the West Bank, their bid on gaining power after they successfully did that in Gaza. PA (Palestinian Authority) president Mahmoud Abbas instated a state of emergency lasting several days. The only ones being safe was the small community of Palestinians, Jews and us distorted foreign activists being secure thanks to the IDF checkpoint and security within the Israeli controlled area. I was actually happy that the IDF had a checkpoint there, guaranteeing our security from the craziness of Hamas. The irony did not cross my mind at the time, that I went to Hebron to document Israeli war crimes but came home with IDF-humanism and Palestinian war crimes.

What I did not know about Hebron.

During my time in Hebron I did not know about the incessant terror attacks against the extremely small Jewish community of Hebron. I did not know that Jewish residents are killed whenever they are not protected, children, women, elderly. I did not know that Israel has effective control of a very small portion of Hebron. I did not know that the actual Apartheid in Hebron is directed from the Arabs against the Jewish community. I did not know the religious and historic importance of Hebron, as the number two capital of the Jewish people.

More over, I did not know that those I work for, the Fatah-led ISM, actively instructs Palestinian kids to throw rocks at Jews, sometimes killing the victim. Nor did I know that when Fatah wants us to shield someone or a house from IDF-operation, it is highly likely to be a terrorist on the brink of committing attacks against innocent Israelis. This was the case of Rachel Corrie’s last shielding-event.

How could I know? How could my colleagues know? We are immersed in the pro-pal false narrative. Fuelled by CNN, New York Times, Le Monde, all centrist and leftist political parties in Europe, all our left leaning teachers, all our cultural establishment. Among many others. I got social, political, educational status by joining ISM, an anti – Geneva Conventions, terrorist organisation.

 


Restoring Europe's Borders and Sovereign Nations

  
 
null   Samstaša žjóšar
   
NATIONAL UNITY COALITION                                                           
   Barįttusamtök fyrir sjįlfstęšu rķki į Ķslandi og fullveldisréttindum almennings.
   Stöndum vörš um Stjórnarskrį Lżšveldisins.

 

 

Restoring Europe's Borders and Sovereign Nations.

Fyrst birt ķ The Wall Steet Journal 15. október 2015.



Geert Wilders (Hollandi), Marine Le Pen (Franklandi), Matteo Salvini (Ķtalķu), Heinz-Christian Strache (Austurrķki).

Europe. Imagine a world without her. Sure, the geographical entity will always continue to exist. But the civilization is in danger. Millions of migrants are currently arriving in Europe. More than half a million have already done so. Donald Tusk, the president of the European Council, says the greatest tide of refugees and migrants is still to come. Hungary’s foreign minister expects 35 million people heading to Europe. This will be the end of the Continent as we know it.

The situation is completely out of control. Too many fortune seekers, too much illiteracy. Some of the migrants are refugees, but the majority come for economic reasons. Our European economies and social-protection systems cannot cope with this. The media prefer to focus on families and children, but their images cannot conceal that the asylum seekers flocking to Europe are predominantly young men. Many are unskilled.

But the main problem is that, unlike the flow of refugees at the end of World War II, these migrants come from countries with a culture entirely different from Europe’s. Mass immigration is leading to the dilution of cultural identity in the European Union member states.

Its citizens resent this. Instinctively, these citizens are patriots. They don’t like to lose their identity as a people. They don’t want to give up their countries. Instinctively, they grasp two very important truths. First, that without identity, there is no country. Second, that without a country, there can be no prosperity, no justice, no democracy, no liberty.

The European Union has slowly been eroding Europe’s nation-states by gradually dismantling their sovereignty. It has robbed our countries of the right to conduct our own national asylum policies. Last month, the EU forced refugee quotas on its member states and overruled governments who disagreed. The mask has fallen, and the peoples of Europe have seen the EU’s ugly face.

Better than before, they now realize that our national parliaments have been reduced to fake parliaments. Vital matters, including those concerning our national identities, are no longer decided by our national parliaments but by obscure institutions in Brussels. People are forced to give away their country without even having a say in the matter.

Governments in Eastern Europe are especially sensitive about this. It’s no coincidence that the strongest resistance to the EU’s mandatory migrant quotas comes from countries such as the Czech Republic, Hungary and Slovakia. For many decades these countries were ruled from Moscow without their consent. They don’t want to now be ruled from Brussels without their consent.

But the migration crisis has also alarmed the peoples of Western Europe. Polls and election results in recent weeks clearly indicate that patriot parties such as ours are growing spectacularly.

While the governments in Western Europe’s capitals bash the leaders in the Czech Republic, Hungary and Slovakia, millions of citizens in Austria, France, Italy, the Netherlands and other nations share their concerns.

In Vienna’s regional elections Sunday, the Austrian Freedom Party won a third of the votes. In polls in the Netherlands, the Party for Freedom has become as big as the two governing parties combined. In France, polls indicate that the National Front will win its local elections in December. In Italy three months ago, the Northern League made stunning electoral gains.

While millions are on their way to Europe, millions in Europe realize that they have been betrayed by the political elites in the Hague, Paris, Rome, Vienna and other capitals. Our parliaments have been emasculated by Brussels and are filled with politicians who no longer care about our basic national interests. Governments don’t mind the loss of national sovereignty and national identities either. Far too often, they are composed of politicians who hope to one day pursue an international career at an EU or U.N. institution after their national career ends.

The gap between the citizens and those who rule them has never been so wide. We have to close this gap in order to reassert control over our own borders. And we can do so democratically by mobilizing the people to vote for parties that stand for national sovereignty and the defense of national identities. Reclaiming democracy: That is the key to solving the migration crisis.

There is no need to imagine a world without the nations of Europe. It’s clear what needs to happen. We need to reconquer our national sovereignty, abolish EU treaties such as the Schengen treaty and reaffirm the supremacy of national parliaments.




Afnįm gjaldeyrishafta veldur įhyggjum

  
 
null   Samstaša žjóšar
   
NATIONAL UNITY COALITION                                                           
   Barįttusamtök fyrir sjįlfstęšu rķki į Ķslandi og fullveldisréttindum almennings.
   Stöndum vörš um Stjórnarskrį Lżšveldisins.

 

 

Afnįm gjaldeyrishafta veldur įhyggjum.

Fyrst birt ķ Morgunblašinu 27. október 2015.



Ragnar Önundarson.

Į undanförnum vikum hefur veriš unniš undir miklum žrżstingi aš samkomulagi milli žrotabśa gömlu bankanna og Sešlabankans. Afnįm gjaldeyrishafta er lokaįfangi fjįrhagslegrar endurskipulagningar landsins eftir įfalliš 2008. Stjórnvöld ęttu aš gera nįkvęmlega grein fyrir mįlinu opinberlega, įšur en til óafturkallanlegra skuldbindinga kemur, eins og heitiš hefur veriš. Žetta er risavaxiš hagsmunamįl almennings sem veršur undir smįsjį nęst žegar kosiš veršur til Alžingis.

Risavaxiš hagsmunamįl.

Gjaldeyrishöftin žarf aš afnema aš mestu. Ekki til aš afla nżrra »jöklabréfa« eins og nś er stefnan, heldur til aš hleypa fé śt śr landinu. Hagkerfiš hefur rétt śr kśtnum og sparifjįrmyndun er og žarf aš haldast mikil. Hętt er viš nżrri bólumyndun ef sķvaxandi lķfeyrissparnašur getur ekki leitaš śt fyrir landsteinana og žarf aš įvaxtast eingöngu innanlands. Sś stęrš žarf aš vera sveigjanleg til aš hjį nżju bóluįstandi verši komist og lķklega mun hęrri en nś er gert rįš fyrir.

Stöšugleikaskatturinn, sem Alžingi samžykkti meš lögum, var kynntur žann 08. jśnķ 2015. Ķ staš skattsins stendur slitabśum gömlu bankanna af einhverjum įstęšum til boša aš greiša svonefnt stöšugleikaframlag, sem į aš uppfylla svokölluš stöšugleikaskilyrši. Žaš į aš vera jafngilt skattinum ķ žeim skilningi aš žaš standi meš sama hętti vörš um hagsmuni heimila og fyrirtękja. Stöšugleikaskatturinn, 39%, įtti aš skila 850 ma.kr. til rķkissjóšs, en žó skyldi unnt aš fį afslįtt til aš lękka skattinn, sem žį yrši alls um 690 ma.kr., gegn bindingu erlends gjaldeyris ķ landinu, sem er žį lįntaka ķ staš skatts. Sešlabankinn metur hins vegar stöšugleikaframlagiš samkvęmt tillögum slitabśanna ašeins 334 ma.kr. Žetta vekur įleitna spurningu um hvernig slķkt framlag geti veriš jafngilt įšurnefndum fjįrhęšum.

Draumsżn eša veruleiki ?

Afnįm gjaldeyrishafta gęti veriš draumsżn sem ekki fęr stašist, įn enn meiri yfirtöku į gjaldeyriseignum en 690-850 ma.kr., kannski vel yfir 1.000 ma. Įstęšan er sś aš bólukrónur sem geta ógnaš greišslujöfnuši er ekki einungis aš finna ķ sjóšum žrotabśa föllnu bankanna heldur ķ djśpum vösum aušfķkla bólunnar og augljóslega ķ krónueignum lķfeyrissjóšanna. Žaš er śtilokaš aš einhverjir žeirra rįšgjafa sem komiš hafa aš mįlum hafi ekki séš žetta. Žeir gętu hafa lent ķ žeirri ašstöšu aš žegja um stašreyndir sem ekki eiga upp į pallboršiš.

Rįšherrar hafa ķtrekaš sagt aš skref til afnįms hafta séu į nęsta leiti, en skrefin hafa lįtiš į sér standa. Af mįli forsętisrįšherra į Alžingi nżlega, žegar hann svaraši fyrirspurnum um stöšu mįla, sżndist mér stefna ķ įtök viš kröfuhafana, fyrst stöšugleikaframlög og stöšugleikaskattur eiga aš vera jafngild. Hann tiltók og taldi upp eignir, žvķ mišur įn talna, og sagši framlög frį slitabśum föllnu bankanna ķ beinhöršu fé verša ašeins hluta af žeim framlögum sem bśin leggja fram og žvķ ekki rétt aš horfa eingöngu til žess. Einnig verši um aš ręša afhendingu żmissa eigna, framsal krafna, innlįn, skilyrt skuldabréf og hlutdeild rķkisins ķ söluandvirši nżju bankanna.

»Žannig aš žaš er mjög villandi, og raunar bara rangt, aš tala um stöšugleikaframlagiš eins og žaš sé eingöngu žessi tiltekna peningaupphęš«

sagši rįšherrann sem nefndi engar tölur og ręddi žvķ mišur ekki um gęši žessara eigna.

Žar sem ętlunin er aš taka alls konar eignir sem greišslu žarf aš gera nįkvęmlega grein fyrir gęšum žeirra eigna. Jafnvel žarf aš įskilja frekari greišslur frį kröfuhöfum, reynist eignirnar minna virši žegar į reynir, og jafnvel halda eftir reišufé žvķ til tryggingar. Munum aš allt sem getur fariš śrskeišis mun fara śrskeišis.

Veršmęti fįkeppnisbanka.

Fjįrmįlarįšherra var ķ vištali į »Gömlu gufunni« 21. október. Rętt var um nżjasta śtspil slitastjórnar Glitnis, aš afhenda rķkssjóši Ķslandsbanka upp ķ stöšugleikaframlög. Fram kom aš veršmęti Landsbankans og Ķslandsbanka gęti veriš um 400 milljaršar. Veršmęti fyrirtękja fer eftir hagnaši žeirra. Athuga ber ķ žessu sambandi aš fįkeppnisfyrirtęki skammta sér hagnašinn śr hendi almennings. Hvernig getum viš metiš banka į sama hįtt og fyrirtęki ķ samkeppni ķ žessu ljósi? Į žjóšin aš meta žaš hįtt sem tekiš er af henni sjįlfri?

Mun guš blessa Ķsland ?

Óvešursskż hafa veriš aš hrannast upp į himni efnahagsmįlanna aš undanförnu. Enn žurfum viš aš standa ķ lappirnar, žó aš bankakerfiš sé ekki ķ hśfi nśna. Višskiptajöfnušurinn er aš versna m.v. sama tķma ķ fyrra. Viš höfum skert śtflutningstekjur af makrķl og leyft gengi krónunnar aš styrkjast, sem rżrir višskiptajöfnušinn. Viš höfum lķka hękkaš launin of mikiš, einu sinni enn. Veršbólga og vķsitala eru į uppleiš og viš blasir enn ein kollsteypan. Halda forystumenn rķkisstjórnarflokkanna aš žessi žróun muni fęra žeim traust kjósenda į nż?

Uppi eru hugmyndir um aš erlendu kröfuhafarnir fįi grķšarlegar fjįrhęšir frį žjóšinni umfram žaš sem 39% stöšugleikaskattur léti žeim eftir. Af hverju? Ekki hefur veriš skżrt frį žvķ. Viš megum ekki gefa eftir žį stöšu sem Neyšarlögin fęršu okkur. Viš eigum ekki aš lįta sendimenn »hręgamma« skelfa okkur til aš skerša žį stöšu sem »Ķslendska leišin« skapaši. Ef til įgreiningsmįla kemur verša žau afgreidd fyrir Ķslendskum dómstólum.

Žaš er til nóg af bönkum ķ hinum stóra heimi og viš munum bara afla okkur trausts og viršingar meš einurš og stefnufestu. Hinn valkosturinn er aš birtast umheiminum į nż sem algjörir vitleysingar ķ hagstjórn og fjįrmįlum, sem ekki hafa lęrt neitt af sįrri reynslu. Veršur komist hjį žvķ? Guš var bešinn aš blessa Ķsland fyrir sjö įrum. Munum aš hann hjįlpar žeim sem hjįlpa sér sjįlfir.

 


Ętlar borgarstjóri aš styšja fešraveldiš (Islam) ?

  
 
null   Samstaša žjóšar
   
NATIONAL UNITY COALITION                                                           
   Barįttusamtök fyrir sjįlfstęšu rķki į Ķslandi og fullveldisréttindum almennings.
   Stöndum vörš um Stjórnarskrį Lżšveldisins.

 

 

Ętlar borgarstjóri aš styšja fešraveldiš (Islam) ?

Fyrst birt ķ Morgunblašinu 24. október 2015.



Gśstaf Nķelsson.

Ķ kjölfar sveitarstjórnarkosninganna į sķšasta įri spannst umręša um žį įkvöršun Reykjavķkurborgar aš śthluta Félagi mśslima į Ķslandi ókeypis lóš undir mosku. Įkvöršunin var umdeild, svo ekki sé dżpra ķ įrinni tekiš og bentu lögspekingar į aš sveitarfélögum vęri óskylt aš śthluta trśfélögum ókeypis lóšum. Sumir héldu žvķ meira aš segja fram aš įkvöršunin vęri ólögmęt. Jafnvel borgarlögmašur višurkenndi aš sveitarfélögum vęri einvöršungu skylt aš śthluta ókeypis lóšum undir kirkjur.

Mitt ķ žessari umręšu bįrust fréttir af fundi sendiherra Sįdi-Arabķu og forseta Ķslands. Į fundinum kom fram aš Sįdar hygšust leggja fram fjįrmagn til byggingar mosku ķ Reykjavķk. Fréttirnar vöktu óhug enda eru Sįdi-Arabķa og nįgrannarķkin viš Persaflóa ekki žekkt sem fįnaberar mannréttinda  (Leišrétting Forseta Ķslands).

Skiptir mįli hver fjįrmagnar moskuna ?

Hvort tveggja nśverandi og fyrrverandi formenn Samfylkingarinnar voru neikvęšir ķ garš fréttanna af fjįrstyrk Sįdi-Araba. Žannig kvaš Ingibjörg Sólrśn Gķsladóttir (05.04.2015) žaš frįleita hugmynd aš Sįdi-Arabķa fengi aš setja fjįrmagn ķ byggingu mosku og tók fram aš til »aš sporna viš žvķ aš róttękur ķslamismi berist til okkar ęttum viš ekki aš heimila aš erlendir ašilar fjįrmagni moskubygginguna«. Įrni Pįll Įrnason (05.03.2015) spurši hvaš einręšisrķkjum, sem ekki virtu grundvallarmannréttindi, gengi til meš fjįrframlögum af žessum toga.

Į mešal meirihlutans ķ borgarstjórn var hins vegar annaš hljóš ķ strokknum. Lķf Magneudóttir, formašur mannréttindarįšs, kvašst ekki hafa miklar įhyggjur af fjįrstyrk Sįda žvķ mśslimum į Ķslandi vęri treystandi til aš fara eftir lögum og brjóta ekki į mannréttindum fólks. Višbrögš Dags B. Eggertssonar (05.03.2015) borgarstjóra voru varfęrnari. Dagur tók ekki afdrįttarlaust į mįlinu, eins og hann er gjarn į aš gera žegar honum finnst mįl vera »óžęgileg«.

Ķ stašinn fól hann mannréttindaskrifstofu borgarinnar aš fara ofan ķ saumana į žvķ hvort fjįrstyrk Sįdi-Araba fylgdu einhver skilyrši. Žessi ašferš, aš vķsa mįli ķ nefnd, er vel žekkt žegar stjórnmįlamenn reyna aš losa sig viš óžęgileg mįl. Žrįtt fyrir aš nś sé meira en hįlft įr lišiš hefur mannréttindaskrifstofan ekki enn birt nišurstöšur sķnar. Kostnašur borgarbśa viš mannréttindaskrifstofuna mun žó vera hartnęr hįlfur milljaršur króna į hverju kjörtķmabili.

Konur séu meš slęšu og ķ bśri viš bęnahald.

Žegar fréttir af fjįrstyrk Sįda voru bornar undir fyrirsvarsmenn Félags mśslima į Ķslandi voru višbrögšin į einn veg. Sverrir Agnarsson, sem žį gegndi formennsku ķ félaginu, kom af fjöllum og kvašst ekkert vita um styrkinn. Salmann Tamimi, sem hafši gegnt formennsku į undan Sverri, gekk skrefinu lengra og sagši félagiš aldrei hafa óskaš eftir fjįrmunum frį Sįdi-Arabķu. Višbrögš žeirra Sverris og Salmanns bentu helst til žess aš fréttirnar af fundi sendiherra Sįdi-Araba og forseta Ķslands helgušust af misskilningi hins sķšarnefnda.

Fyrr ķ žessum mįnuši geršust hins vegar žau tķšindi aš Salmann steypti Sverri af formannsstóli ķ Félagi mśslima į Ķslandi. Ķ vištali viš visir.is 12. október sl. hefur Sverrir upplżst aš Salmann hafi gagnrżnt hann fyrir hvort tveggja aš telja žaš ekki skyldu mśslķmskra kvenna aš ganga meš slęšu og aš vera of vinsamlegur ķ garš samkynhneigšra. Žį hafi Salmann gagnrżnt hann fyrir aš taka afstöšu meš »Ķslendskum konunum ķ félaginu sem vildu burt meš ljóta óklįraša, nś ķ tķu įr, bśriš sem konurnar eru lįtar vera ķ viš bęnahald«.

Ķ bréfi sem Sverrir birti af sama tilefni koma fram nżjar upplżsingar um fjįrmögnun moskunnar. Ķ bréfinu er žvķ lżst aš opinberlega hafi Salmann ekkert kannast viš peningana frį Sįdum žrįtt fyrir aš hann hafi skömmu įšur sjįlfur bešiš um žį ķ sendirįši Sįdi-Arabķu ķ Stokkhólmi. Ekki veršur betur séš en hér sé fram komin sönnun žess aš fyrirsvarsmenn Félags mśslima į Ķslandi hafi reynt aš blekkja almenning um hvernig fjįrmögnun moskunnar yrši hįttaš. Er nś skiljanlegt hvers vegna Sverrir taldi sig į sķnum tķma knśinn til aš lżsa žvķ yfir opinberlega aš hann talaši einn fyrir hönd félagsins eftir aš Salmann hafši žvertekiš fyrir aš félagiš tęki viš peningum frį Sįdum.

Nżr formašur neitar aš svara spurningum.

Žessar nżju upplżsingar um fjįrmögnun moskunnar og žann bošskap sem félagiš bošar gagnvart konum og samkynhneigšum hljóta aš leiša til žess aš borgaryfirvöld endurskoši įkvöršun sķna um aš śthluta ókeypis lóš til félagsins. Nżkjörinn formašur félagsins mun enda hafa lżst žvķ yfir aš hann vilji aš félagiš dragi sig śt śr arkitektasamkeppni um byggingu moskunnar.

Ef til vill skiptir žaš žau Dag og Lķf engu mįli žótt fyrirsvarsmenn félagsins leiki tveim skjöldum. Lķklega telja žau įfram rétt aš treysta svörum félagsins til mannréttindaskrifstofu borgarinnar um hvernig moskan er fjįrmögnuš og hvaša bošskapur veršur žar bošašur. Lķklegast er žó aš mannréttindaskrifstofan fįi engin svör. Nżr formašur félagsins hefur nefnilega įkvešiš aš svara ekki spurningum fjölmišla ķ kjölfar žess aš hann tók viš völdum ķ félaginu. Mišaldirnar og fešraveldiš eiga sér greinilega vķsan stušning hjį félaginu.

<<<<<<<>>><<<>>>>>>>

Yfirlżsing frį Ibrahim Sverri Agnarssyni.

Assalamu alaikum Alhamdulillahi - The General Meeting is over and I am probably a very bad loser!

But after weeks of backbiting and slander and fabrication on my believes ,it is a RELIEVE that that the Tamimi clan has taken over the Association of Muslims in Iceland and I have no responsibility there anymore.

I did not have a chance against the Tamimi ladies and all their Arab/icelandic girlfriends and the several of the grumpy guys mostly Palestinian that have not shown faces in the mosque for years.

The tens of the bright shining faces in the back of the mosque today dutifully wearing their hijab for the occasion, something that most of them never do in public, were all, except the few Icelandic ethnic ladies, dedicated Tamimi fans, common sense and rhetoric did not have a chance, they came to vote for their hero.

It is a kind of funny because one of the main point Salmann brought up against me was that I did NOT believe that wearing hijab in public was a unconditional demand up on muslim ladies, BUT HE, on the contrary was firm on that point.

This sound similar when he thunders in his rare Friday speeches about the necessity for Muslims to come to the mosque, but almost never come there himself not even in Ramadan. Or when he denounced the money from Saudi Arabia shortly after asking for them personally in their embassy in Stockholm.

Funny because I see some of these ladies more often on town at weekends than in the mosques - not even at Eid“s or dinners at the mosque.

But Allah has the power over all things and I will ask him quietly to teach me not to be a bad loser - but he knows the meaning of things big and small.

<<<<<<<>>><<<>>>>>>>

 


Umheimurinn telur Ķslendinga vera Gyšingahatara

  
 
null   Samstaša žjóšar
   
NATIONAL UNITY COALITION                                                           
   Barįttusamtök fyrir sjįlfstęšu rķki į Ķslandi og fullveldisréttindum almennings.
   Stöndum vörš um Stjórnarskrį Lżšveldisins.

 

 

Umheimurinn telur Ķslendinga vera Gyšingahatara.

Fyrst birt ķ Morgunblašinu 21. október 2015.



Loftur Altice Žorsteinsson.

Helför Gyšinga veldur žvķ, aš į mešal sišašs fólks žykir Gyšingahatur vera afleitt hugarįstand. Samt blómstrar Gyšingahatur hérlendis og hefur gert allt frį tķš Steingrķms Hermannssonar. Löngum hafa Gyšingahatarar ekki svalaš svķviršilegum kenndum sķnum į opinberum vettvangi. Nś er öldin önnur og öfgarnar geršar opinberar, jafnvel undir merkjum mannkęrleika.

Björk »abdallah« leggur fram tillögu fyrir hönd Fatah.

Flestum į óvart įkvaš meirihluti Borgarstjórnar Reykjavķkur 15. September 2015, aš snišganga vörur frį Ķsrael, föšurlandi Gyšinga. Yfirlżstur óvinur Ķsraels lagši fram tillöguna og samžykkt hennar var sögš vera kvešju-sending til hryšjuverkasamtakanna Fatah, sem ašsetur hefur į Bakkanum (vestur-bakka Jórdan-įr).

Vķštęk mótmęli hófust straks viš žessu augljósa Gyšingahatri, bęši hérlendis sem utanlands. Ljóst var aš višskiptahagsmunum Ķslands var stefnt ķ hęttu og fjölmörg dęmi voru nefnd um fjįrhagstjón sem snišgangan hafši valdiš. Ķsland hafi oršiš fyrir verulegum įlitshnekki og umheimurinn hefur komist aš žvķ aš Gyšingahatur dafnar į Ķslandi.

Žįttur utanrķkisrįšherrans »hugum-stóra«.

Rķkisstjórn landsins vaknaši meš andfęlum viš tķšindin og »hugum-stórum« utanrķkisrįšherra var fališ aš senda frį sér yfirlżsingu um snišgönguna, sem vonast var til aš varpaš gęti dulu į sannleikann. Til aš foršast misskilning skal žess getiš, aš rįšherrann »hugum-stóri« er alls óskyldur »Don Quijote de la Mancha«. Žetta er hins vegar rįšherrann sem kom Ķslandi ķ višskiptastrķš viš Rśssland, aš bošskipun ESB.

Rįšherrann sendi frį sér yfirlżsingu 18. September, žar sem ķ lokin segir:

»Utanrķkisrįšuneytiš įréttar aš įkvöršun borgarstjórnar Reykjavķkur er ekki ķ samręmi viš utanrķkisstefnu Ķslands«.

Hver er žį utanrķkisstefna Ķslands gagnvart Ķsrael ? Er hśn ķ samręmi viš stefnu žjóšarinnar frį 1947, žegar Ķsland var ķ forustu hjį SŽ (Sameinušu žjóšunum), aš tryggja stofnun žjóšrķkis Gyšinga ķ Ķsrael ? Sendiherra Ķslands Thor Thors var framsögumašur mįlsins į alherjaržingi SŽ, sem hlaut yfir 70% fylgi og varš žannig alžjóšalög.

Ķ lok Heimstyrjaldarinnar fyrri 1922, fól Žjóšabandalagiš Bretlandi aš stjórna svęšinu »British Mandate for Palestine«, sem tekiš hafši veriš af Tyrklandi. Į mešal Gyšinga vakti žessi įkvöršun mikinn fögnuš, žvķ aš žeir höfšu loforš Bretlands um aš »Konungsrķki Davķšs og Solomons« yrši endurreist. Loforšiš gaf Bretland meš svonefndri »Balfour yfirlżsingu« frį 02. nóvember 1917. »Balfour yfirlżsingin« hlaut einnig samžykki Žjóšabandalagsins og var žar meš oršin skuldbinding alžjóšasamfélagsins.

Alžingi tekur upp stušning viš hryšjuverkamenn.

Hęgt er aš stašhęfa, aš Gyšingahatur blómstrar į Ķslandi. Skilaboš Borgarstjórnar til vina okkar ķ Ķsrael stašfesta žaš. Hatursmenn Ķsraels ķ Borgarstjórn móta samt ekki stefnu landsins ķ utanrķkismįlum. Alžingi ętti aš hafna stušningi viš hryšjuverkasamtök og fordęma Gyšingahatur. Nżgjasta įlyktun Alžingis varšandi Ķsrael er frį 29. nóvember 2011 og taki menn nś eftir:

»Alžingi įlyktar aš fela rķkisstjórninni aš višurkenna Palestķnu sem sjįlfstętt og fullvalda rķki innan landamęranna frį žvķ fyrir sex daga strķšiš įriš 1967…Alžingi įréttar aš PLO, Frelsissamtök Palestķnu, eru hinn lögmęti fulltrśi allrar palestķnsku žjóšarinnar.«

Žessi hręšilega įlyktun var samžykkt meš 38 atkvęšum og žar į mešal var hinn »hugum-stóri« utanrķkisrįšherra. Žetta er aušvitaš gróft dęmi um Gyšingahatur, žvķ aš PLO er samnefni fyrir hryšjuverkasamtökin Hamas į Gaza og Fatah į Bakkanum. Svo mį spyrja sig hvaša umboš Alžingi hefur til aš śthluta yfirrįšum į umdeildu landi, til skrifboršs-skśffunnar PLO. Alžingi var aš taka undir markmiš žessara Mśslima um aš fremja žjóšarmorš į Gyšingum og tortķma föšurlandi žeirra.

Višbrögš Ķslands viš Gyšingahatri verša aš vera trśveršug.

Borgarstjórn Reykjavķkur kom saman til neyšarfundar 22. September og felldi śr gildi hina alręmdu snišgöngu į Ķsrael. Sumir hafa af ókunnugleika tališ aš yfirlżsing utanrķkisrįšherrans »hugum-stóra« hafi haft hér nokkur įhrif. Svo var žó ekki, heldur réšust afdrif snišgöngunnar, viš skrifborš hryšjuverkaforingjans Mahmoud Abbas.

Hatursmenn Ķsraels hafa įratugum saman reynt aš vinna Gyšingum sem mest tjón og hafa beitt višskipta-žvingunum ķ žeim tilgangi, meira aš segja įšur en Ķsrael var stofnaš. Hryšjuverkasamtökin Hamas į Gaza og Fatah į Bakkanum hafa mismunandi stefnu ķ öllum mįlum, žar į mešal višskipta-žvingunum gegn Ķsrael. Fatah samdi upphaflega tillögu, en Hamas dróg hana til baka. Fatah er vinnuveitandi Bjarkar »abdallah«, en Hamas stjórnar geršum Dags »abdallah«.

Ķtök hryšjuverka-samtaka Mśslima į Ķslandi eru yfiržyrmandi og bregšast veršur hart viš. Dagur »abdallah« og hinn »hugum-stóri« utanrķkisrįšherra verša bįšir aš vķkja śr opinberum störfum. Brotthvarf žessara einstaklinga mun žó ekki nęgja til aš bęta oršspor landsins. Bjóša mętti Jerśsalem höfušborg Ķsraels aš verša vinaborg Reykjavķkur. Svo vęri einnig til bóta aš rķkisstjórn og Alžingi bęšust afsökunar, aš hętti sišašra manna.

 


»Skošun« blašamannsins Óla Kristjįns Įrmannssonar

  
 
null   Samstaša žjóšar
   
NATIONAL UNITY COALITION                                                           
   Barįttusamtök fyrir sjįlfstęšu rķki į Ķslandi og fullveldisréttindum almennings.
   Stöndum vörš um Stjórnarskrį Lżšveldisins.

 

 

»Skošun« blašamannsins Óla Kristjįns Įrmannssonar

Fyrst birt ķ Fréttablašinu 03. jślķ 2015.



Raphael Schutz.

Hér įšur fyrr var evrópskum gyšingum gert žaš aš sök aš drepa börn kristinna ķ tengslum viš helgisiši žeirra. Žeim var og gert žaš aš sök aš eitra vatnsbrunna ķ žeim tilgangi aš koma af staš smitfaröldrum. Žį voru śtbreidd hin alkunnu ósannindi aš gyšingar žęttust rįša heiminum ķ gegnum hina voldugu öldunga Zķons.

Žaš er meš ólķkindum hve lķtiš hefur breyst ķ gegnum aldirnar žegar kemur aš gyšingum. Nś į dögum er žessi gamli rógburšur ekki pólitķskur rétttrśnašur lengur en hins vegar er žaš sjįlfsagt aš bera śt višurstyggilegan rógburš žegar kemur aš gyšingum samtķmans, žį sérstaklega ķ žjóšrķki gyšinga, Ķsrael.

Gyšingar, Ķsrael og blašamennska.

Kjarninn ķ grein Óla Kristjįns Įrmannssonar, sem birtist ķ Fréttablašinu 24. jśnķ sķšastlišinn, er hinn sex įra gamli Palestķnuarabi Baider Qdeih, sem lést viš landamęrastöš. Žaš er sorgleg og hręšileg stašreynd sem bżšur upp į žaš aš skoša žarf ašstęšur og atburšarįs af mikilli varfęrni og įn allra fordóma. Aš segja frétt įn samhengis eša bakgrunns er léleg fréttamennska og er jafn blekkjandi og röng frįsögn.

Ķ žessu tilfelli kżs blašamašur aš segja ekki lesendum frį žeirri stašreynd aš palestķnskir sjśkraflutningabķlar eru žekktir fyrir aš vera notašir undir hryšjuverkastarfsemi s.s. vopnasmygl yfir til Ķsraels og aš ferja hryšjuverkamenn yfir landamęrin žvert į öll lög um sjśkraflutninga. Ķsraelsk yfirvöld verša aš skoša hvern og einn sjśkraflutningabķl sem fer inn ķ Ķsrael til aš koma ķ veg fyrir frekari hryšjuverkaįrįsir į ķsraelska borgara.

Žessi ömurlegi atburšur žar sem lķtill drengur lét lķfiš er žvķ mišur fórnin sem er fęrš meš hįttalagi Palestķnuaraba en žaš er aušvitaš mun aušveldara aš stinga hausnum ķ sandinn og kenna gyšingum um… ég meina Ķsrael.

Mannfall og fordęming.

Blašamašur heldur įfram ķ greininni og segir „Tölfręšin talar žó sķnu mįli“ žegar kemur aš mannfalli ķ Gasastrķšinu sķšasta sumar. Megniš af mannfalli Palestķnuaraba voru hryšjuverkamenn eša yfir eitt žśsund slķkir. Blašamašur lętur ógert aš greina frį žvķ. Tölurnar sżna einnig hvernig UNHRC (Mannréttindarįš Sameinušu žjóšanna) hefur snśiš į hvolf hugmyndinni um mannréttindi ķ sķnum andķsraelska įróšri meš blašamenn eins og Óla Kristjįn um borš.

Ķ žau nķu įr sem žessi nefnd į vegum UNHRC hefur veriš starfandi hefur hśn fordęmt Ķsrael oftar en öll heimsins lönd samanlagt eša 61 sinni! Į žessu sést bersżnilega aš eitt land, Ķsrael, er tekiš śt og žvķ śthśšaš į versta mįta.

Svona er žetta meš UNHRC og fleiri stofnanir. Žaš sem kemur frį žeim, eins og žessi skżrsla, er ekki įreišanlegt, heldur mjög hlutdręgt, en blašamašurinn hefur engar įhyggjur af žvķ. Žegar hann segir „tölfręšin talar žó sķnu mįli“ vitnar hann ķ tölur yfir fórnarlömb, en žęr tölur koma frį Palestķnumönnum og öšrum hlutdręgum ašilum. Og žaš sem er enn mikilvęgara er aš hann talar bara um tölur, įn žess aš ręša samhengiš. Höfšu nasistar į réttu aš standa vegna žess aš fleiri Žjóšverjar dóu ķ strķšinu en Bretar eša Bandarķkjamenn? Žetta er fįrįnlegt og žaš sem viš sjįum hjį UNHRC er ekkert annaš en farsi, orwellķskt umhverfi, žar sem rįšist er į lżšręšisrķki daginn inn og daginn śt, ašallega af alręšisstjórnum, meš hjįlp frį gagnlegum fķflum į Vesturlöndum.

Mannfórnir og mįlstašur.

Žaš er alltaf sorglegt žegar saklausir borgarar verša fórnarlömb strķšsįtaka, ekki sķst žegar um börn er aš ręša. Almenn skynsemi ętti aš segja okkur aš sökin liggur hjį Hamas og öšrum hryšjuverkahópum, sem hafa žaš markmiš aš eyša Ķsrael af landakortinu og nota sitt eigiš fólk sem mannlega skildi. En ķ stašinn sjįum viš sömu gömlu evrópsku ašferšina aftur – kennum gyšingnum um (fyrirgefšu, ég meinti Ķsrael).

 


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